Русский
The Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, has written an article titled ‘International Cooperation in the Arctic: Challenges and Opportunities’ for Arctic.ru outlining Russia’s Arctic policy and the development of the region, including with international partners. It is an important statement and one that provides a comprehensive understanding of Russia’s intentions in the region. We highlight Lavrov’s complete text, prefixed as SL and include our analysis and additional comments as RPA. This is what he had to say:
SL: “On August 19, a landmark event took place in Arctic shipping. For the first time, a container ship from China arrived at the port of Murmansk via the Northern Sea Route, a vital part of the Trans-Arctic Transport Corridor. In collaboration with our international partners, this represents the start of a new phase in the development of Russia’s Arctic region, which accounts for at least 10% of the country’s GDP and is home to more than 2.5 million of our citizens. In this regard, I would like to share a number of considerations on how we assess the current state of affairs in the Arctic and how we plan to develop international cooperation there.”
RPA: The container ship mentioned, the Xin Xin Hai 1, was the first direct container shipment from China to Murmansk via the Northern Sea Route. However, Chinese container ships have used the route before, including last year when a trial run saw another Chinese container ship complete a transit between Ningbo (China) and Felixstowe (United Kingdom). That voyage took 20 days, halving the time taken to transit via the Suez Canal and beating overland rail connectivity.
Russia and its Arctic International Partners
SL: “The Foundations of the Russian State Policy in the Arctic for the Period up to 2035, approved by President Vladimir Putin, focus the efforts of all government bodies on improving the quality of life for the population of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation, promoting economic growth in its territories, protecting the environment, and fostering mutually beneficial international cooperation. The latter is of particular importance to the Foreign Ministry, which is entrusted with coordinating functions in relations with foreign countries and intergovernmental organizations. I would like to emphasize, that the whole range of issues relating to the development of the Arctic zone, maritime logistics and the Northern Sea Route plays an important role in the activities of the Maritime Board of the Russian Federation.”
RPA: The Maritime Board of the Russian Federation is a high-level state body established to coordinate national maritime policy, strengthen naval defense capabilities, and protect Russian interests in the World Ocean and the Arctic. The Maritime Board of the Russian Federation does not have a standalone official website, but its announcements, executive orders, and meeting coverages are published directly on the Official Website of the President of Russia.
SL: “Foreign policy priorities at high latitudes have been enshrined in the currently effective Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation of March 31, 2023. In the Arctic, Russia is seeking to preserve peace and stability, reduce the level of threats to national security, and create favorable external conditions for the country’s socio-economic development. We are open to interaction with all constructively minded foreign countries displaying reciprocal readiness to put these ideas into practice. There are quite a few such countries. The vast resource, transport, and logistics potential of the Far North, its unique natural and climatic features, long-standing traditions of regional cooperation, and the rich cultural heritage of its indigenous peoples offer broad opportunities for advantageous partnership.”
RPA: The ‘Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation’ is an important document that outlines in detail Russia’s foreign policy aims. That document can be accessed here, while recent clarifications on its contents made by the Foreign Minister can be viewed here.
SL: “The countries that cooperate closely with us in the Arctic include, first and foremost, China and India. Substantive discussions on Arctic issues take place with Beijing during regular meetings between the heads of government. The specialized bilateral sub-commission on the Northern Sea Route is operational, as are mechanisms for interministerial consultations and scientific exchanges. The results speak for themselves: they include the launch of regular container shipments across Russia’s northern seas, with plans to increase their frequency, and other achievements, including in polar research.”
RPA: We have previously covered numerous and varied Arctic collaborations with China here, here, here and here, and with India here, here, here and here.
SL: “We are engaged in an active dialogue with New Delhi on issues related to high latitudes. In late August, it was discussed at a meeting of the Russian-Indian Intergovernmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technical, and Cultural Cooperation. Indian corporations are involved in developing the resource potential of Russia’s Arctic region. According to some experts, the Arctic could become a major area of cooperation between Russia and India over the next 20 years.
There are prospects for interaction in the Far North with Brazil, Indonesia, Iran and other BRICS countries. We are also ready to develop cooperation with Belarus and other partners and allies in the CIS. South Korea and Singapore should also be mentioned as showing an interest in joint work with Russia in some Arctic projects, notwithstanding their participation in the unfriendly sanctions campaign launched by the collective West against our country.”
RPA: Lavrov is referring to multimodal transport corridors here, such as the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) which connects via Iran and India via rail, road and ship to Russia and ultimately, to the Arctic. While maritime routes are becoming problematic from the geostrategic perspective, and insurance costs have risen, using what are overland routes to connect Asian countries to the Arctic does have some cost and supply chain benefits. Arctic development will take a lot of resources, some of which will need to be sourced from countries such as the BRICS bloc.
Landlocked Belarus meanwhile is developing its own terminal at Murmansk to expedite shipping to and from China and Asia, while South Korea is developing its Yeosu Gwangyang Port to specifically handle supply chains across the NSR.
Indonesia’s interest lies in that traditional shipping routes are increasingly vulnerable to geopolitical disruptions, prompting interest in alternative corridors. For Jakarta, the Northern Sea Route offers a shorter route between Europe and Asia, while the Vladivostok-Southeast Asia corridor provides a direct link between the Russian Far East and Indonesian markets. It is a similar situation for Singapore, while Vietnam has also signed maritime agreements concerning the Arctic.
Brazil is interested in Russia’s Northern Sea Route primarily to secure vital, strategic supply chains – specifically for fertilizers and diesel, and to strengthen broader economic and geopolitical ties within the BRICS framework.
SL: “The interest of non-Arctic countries in establishing cooperation with Russia in the High North is reflected in the active participation of foreign guests in symposia and conferences devoted to Arctic issues. Numerous foreign delegations will take part in discussions during special sessions at the 11th Eastern Economic Forum, which begins on September 1 in Vladivostok. Next March, we look forward to welcoming distinguished guests from abroad to the next major international forum of the Russian Arctic, The Arctic – Territory of Dialogue, which will take place in Murmansk.”
Challenges Affecting International Cooperation in the Arctic
“Preserving the Arctic as an area of peace and cooperation meets the interests of the entire international community, and Russia is undoubtedly interested in this as well. However, there are those who do not share this point of view. How else can one explain the fact that NATO countries, as well as the Alliance as a whole, are driving the region towards militarization and creating hotbeds of international tension there?
In February 2026, NATO launched its Arctic Sentry operation, designed to expand its military presence in the High North. Intensive military preparations are underway in close proximity to our northern borders. NATO is conducting large-scale military exercises involving non-regional countries and introducing new components of its command-and-control system.
Such military activity in the Far North poses a direct threat to Russia’s security. It also increases the risk of incidents that could trigger an armed confrontation with potentially disastrous consequences.
This deliberate and systematic effort to foster an atmosphere of mistrust in the military sphere is taking place alongside Western attempts to undermine Russia’s legitimate rights in international cooperation through illegitimate financial and economic sanctions targeting legal entities and individuals from countries of the Global Majority involved in joint projects in the Arctic region.
NATO members and other Western countries make no secret of their true motives, openly declaring their intention to turn the Arctic into a new front for opposing the development of Russia and its like-minded partners.
One manifestation of the West’s anti-Russian policy has been the disruption of previously effective mechanisms of multilateral cooperation in the Far North. Some have ceased to exist altogether, while others have largely lost their relevance without Russia’s participation, after Moscow was forced to suspend its engagement with them in response to hostile actions. The Arctic Council, established almost 30 years ago, on September 19, 1996, remains the only functioning intergovernmental organization.
The Council is approaching its anniversary in a shape that is far from ideal. Since March 2022, as a result of actions by its Western member states, its work has effectively been frozen, leaving the organization in a severe crisis. Ministerial meetings and sessions of its key coordinating body, the Senior Arctic Officials, have been suspended, while its capacity to implement projects has been significantly curtailed. The Council’s activities are now largely confined to expert-level contacts and remote meetings of its working bodies.”
RPA: It should be noted, that in terms of the entire Arctic region, Russia occupies about 53% of the Arctic Ocean coastline and accounts for nearly 50% of the total Arctic population and total land area.
SL: “Russia is ready to resume the full-fledged work of the Arctic Council, provided that all parties engage in good faith and take into account the legitimate interests of every participant. At the same time, we are prepared for the scenario currently being pursued by NATO countries within the organization as they attempt to discuss Arctic issues among themselves, without Russia, thereby effectively discrediting and marginalizing the Arctic Council. Should this scenario materialize, Russia has the territory, logistics, technology, and reliable partners needed to carry out mutually beneficial projects and confidently implement its plans in the Arctic.”
RPA: Lavrov has omitted to mention President Trump’s recent announcements concerning the annexation of Greenland and Canada. While these were sensationalist claims, and Lavrov will not have wanted to comment on them due to their controversial nature, US attitudes especially towards Greenland are probably not going to disappear anytime soon.
The Future of International Cooperation in the Arctic
SL: “A glance at the world map makes it clear that Russia has been, is, and will remain a leading Arctic state. As climate change continues and the polar ice cover recedes, experts predict that the Arctic will become increasingly accessible for transportation and resource development. The region is already playing an increasingly important role in maintaining stable trade links amid more frequent disruptions to global supply chains, particularly in the straits of the world’s oceans that are of systemic importance to the global economy.
The strategic importance of the Arctic to our country’s national interests and security will also continue to grow. We will pursue the comprehensive development of the High North and further expand the infrastructure of Russia’s Arctic zone in accordance with Russian law and our development priorities.
In our economic activities, we will continue to proceed from the understanding that the Arctic maritime areas form an integral part of the World Ocean. The provisions of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, which establish special rights and responsibilities for coastal states in the Arctic, apply there in full. Commitment to these rights and responsibilities was reaffirmed in the Ilulissat Declaration, adopted in 2008 by the five Arctic coastal states – Russia, Denmark, Canada, Norway, and the United States. At this stage, we see no need to develop new international legal instruments governing economic and other activities in the High North.
Russia’s foreign policy in the Arctic will remain comprehensive and pragmatic. We support the Arctic’s development as an integral part of the broader Eurasian space of security and cooperation.
Our current opponents should have learned the many lessons of history by now and understood that attempts to speak to Russia in the language of sanctions and threats are futile. Unfriendly and hostile actions have been and will continue to be met with an appropriate response, including asymmetric measures. Russia favors constructive dialogue in all regions of the world, but, when necessary, we will defend our national interests by all available means.
As President Putin has repeatedly emphasized, extensive work is underway in the Arctic, and we are open to cooperation with all partners willing to engage on the basis of equality and mutual benefit. Such partners, beyond the circle of NATO countries pursuing Russophobic policies, constitute the overwhelming majority. Promising areas of cooperation include the development of natural resources and the Trans-Arctic Transport Corridor, including its key component, the Northern Sea Route. Priorities also include the development of industrial, transport, and tourism infrastructure. Improving the well-being of people living in the Far North, preserving the Arctic environment, and advancing scientific research will also remain key priorities. In all these areas, we see international cooperation as playing a major role.”
Summary
Lavrov’s comments should actually be seen as an invitation to participate in the development of the Arctic region. The reasons are deceptively simple: time and money. This is especially true for Europe, whose need for energy resources and competitive sourcing for its own consumer market require connectivity via the Arctic to Russia (energy) and to China and Asia for other commodities and products. The 2025, twenty day voyage from China to the United Kingdom is a key indicator, with the voyage across Northern Sea Route less than half the traditional Suez Canal journey. That journey was undertaken by the Istanbul Bridge, a 294 metre long container ship. Put into economic terms, that saved about 20 days operating costs (including fuel), at an estimated US$40,000 a day being a total cost saving for just this one ship journey along the NSR as opposed to the Suez route of about US$800,000.
China’s Sea Legend Shipping launched its first 2026 sailing with the container vessel Dubai Tower. That is a similarly sized ship and will save similar amounts of money on the NSR as opposed to usual Suez route.
Under normal conditions, approximately 20,000 ships pass through the Suez Canal annually, averaging about 50 to 60 vessels per day. The Northern Sea Route (NSR) is normally navigable for about 4 to 5 months each year, typically running from July to November. If 4 months worth of vessels used the NSR instead of the Suez route, the annual cost savings would be about US$5.37 billion. This means that over time, including improving Arctic infrastructure and a changing political landscape, the Arctic, and engagement with Russia over the use of the Northern Sea Route will eventually come down to economics – it will only be a matter of time. Iceland’s decision a couple of days ago not to join the European Union may yet prove to be the beginning of changing political attitudes. The investment capital flows will not be far behind.
